(Author: Benji Shulman, Vol. 67, No. 3, Chanukah 2012)
- Feature image: Establishment of Center of Excellence in Agriculture near Kigali, Rwanda, in support of Rwanda’s national plan to modernize its agricultural sector, stimulate agricultural growth and alleviate rural poverty, July 2016 (Source: MFA, Israel).
In foreign policy circles, the history of the association between Israel and the African continent is fairly well known. This is not surprising because the trials and tribulations of this relationship marked important periods in the histories of various countries. It also promoted large swings in international policy. The understanding of this relationship, however, is limited in South Africa. There are several reasons for this. One is that the country was for the latter part of the 20th Century cut off from much international news. This has meant that issues concerning Africa are generally less well understood than other aspects of international affairs. Another important reason is that one of Israel’s most high profile engagements with the African continent was with the old South African government from about 1973 till the late 1980s. Those wanting to paint Israel as a racist state have focused a great deal on this period, despite the fact that it accounts for less than a quarter of the time that Africa–Israel relations have been in existence. What does not fit with this narrative, however, is the widespread Zionist sympathies that have always existed in Africa and have including some of Africa’s greatest liberation heroes. It also ignores the current growing relationship between African states and Israel, particularly the large upswing in trade and various humanitarian concerns.
This article gives an overview of Africa-Israel relations starting back in ancient times and proceeds to examine the early periods of the Zionist movement and black nationalism, through to the establishment of Israel and the ending of colonialism. Following this, it will outline the period of continental Cold War politics and conclude with a discussion of current trends.
An Ancient Friendship
Jewish people and the African continent have had ties since antiquity. The first recorded relationship with Africa is in the Bible, most notably with Egypt in the Exodus. State relations also existed with the Kingdom of Solomon. A great builder and trader, Solomon created a trading fleet that successfully plied up and down the coast of East Africa. Besides the usual gold, silver and ivory, peacocks and even monkeys were traded. It
was out of these liaisons that the famous story of the Queen of Sheba emerges, and, with it, the royal line of Ethiopia.
The creation of the Jewish Diasporas by the Assyrians, Babylonians and Romans helped to create additional Jewish presences in Africa. Jews settled mainly in Europe and Asia, but many would eventually also settle along the
Mediterranean African coast, especially as a result of the Spanish Inquisition. There have also been noted Judaic practices found in Africa on the West Coast, among people like the Ibo, and along the East Coast among the Lemba. Of course, there is also the famous Ethiopian Jewish community which has existed since ancient times.
The Coming of Nationalism
For much of the past 2000 years, Jews have lived in this exile in African countries. Depending on the ruler, life was often easier or more difficult. Certainly the continent has never reached the heights of antisemitism commonly associated with Europe. Around a century years ago, there was a great shift in Jewish-Africa relations with the rise of modern nationalism. At the time, both Africans and Jews found themselves as the despised peoples of the earth. The Jews had the issue of centuries of antisemitism and dispersion, while Africans had the evils of slavery and racism. Thus, when nationalism started to become accepted as a major political trend both communities began to take note. There are, in fact, remarkable similarities between both groups’ responses to this and it is interesting to see how the growth of Zionism and African Nationalism mirrored one another. For example, Golda Meir quoted the following passage by Theodor Herzl in Altneuland (1902):
There is still one other question arising out of the disaster of the nations that only a Jew can comprehend. This is the African question. Just call to mind all those terrible episodes of the slave trade, of human beings who, merely because they were black, were stolen like cattle, taken prisoner, captured and sold. Their children grew up in strange lands, the object of contempt and hostility because their complexions were different. I am not ashamed to say, though I expose myself to ridicule in saying so, that once I have witnessed the redemption of the Jews, my people, I wish to also to assist in the redemption of the Africans.
In African intellectual circles, the national Jewish liberation was a very popular topic with one Edward Wilmot Blyden, a father of Pan-Africanism, referring to it as “that wonderful movement called Zionism”. The notion of these so called “Black Zionists” was championed in particular by the influential pan-Africanist thinker and politician Marcus Garvey, originally from Jamaica. Garvey was supported by Jews early on in his career and argued that the best and most effective way for Africans to redeem themselves was to go back to their ancient homeland and build a state. He stated that “many white men have tried to uplift them, but the only way is for the Negros to have a nation of their own, like the Jews, that will command the respect of the nations of the world with it achievements”. Garvey was a major supporter of Zionism for much of his life and his influence on African nationalism was profound. For a start, it engendered a great respect for Zionism in the American Civil Rights Movement and was one of the reasons that leaders like Martin Luther King JR expressed sentiments such as his famous comment that “when people criticize Zionists, they mean Jews”. This affinity for Zionism lasted for many years and was only replaced when Malcolm X’s proto-Islamic militarism became popular.
The major effect of Garvey’s writings, however, was in Africa. Those affected by the degradation of colonialism responded to his strident liberationist tones and all over the continent his works were popular. In South Africa he was widely read. District Six had not one but two Garveyist newspapers expounding his Zionist ideals. He also had a large impact on the first successful independence struggle for an African state in Ghana. These interactions set the tone for the next phase of the Israel and Africa relationship as Israel was created and African states threw off the shackles of colonialism.
A Modern Friendship
The friendship between Israel and Africa was more than just a creation of commonalities between national ideologies; it was a product of the overwhelming forces of the Cold War. At the beginning of the 1950s, the new-born Jewish state found itself with few friends. On the one side, it had strained relations with the West and Europe. On the other was a very hostile Communist
Bloc and generally unresponsive Asian community. Needless to say, no help was expected from its Arab neighbours, and the American-Israeli relationship that we know today was still far in the future. Of course, Israel could always rely on the support of Jews in the Diaspora, but it was also in desperate need of allies. The newly independent African states provided an opportunity to address this.
For the most part, African leaders were eager to become involved with the Israelis. They could relate to the suffering of the Jews, with whom they shared the historical experiences of slavery and persecution. Also, the spread of the Islam and Christianity in Africa made the knowledge of the geography and history of Israel widespread. Golda Meir notes that she met “as many ‘Moseses’’ ‘Samuels’’ and ‘Sauls’ in Africa as [she] did back home.” This created an understanding, of Israel even if most people had never been to the country or laid eyes on a Jew. Perhaps the African leader who exemplified this view was Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, who said, “We Jews and Negroes understand one another. We have both suffered and now we both have our own independent states”.
There were other reasons for Israeli/African co-operation. As a small country, the chances that Israel could be an agent of neo-colonialism were small. In fact, having recently overthrown the British, Israel was a good example of a successful liberation struggle. Africans liked many of the Zionist institutions that had brought about the creation of the state and sought to mimic them for their own purposes. For instance George Padmore, a West Indian economist, believed that Africa’s development could be fostered using infusions of funding from the African-American Diaspora, along the same lines as the United Jewish Appeal. This stress on unity was important for Kenya’s President Jomo Kenyatta who said, “You have built a nation with Jews coming from all corners of the world; we want to build a unified Kenya of a multitude of tribes joined together through Harambee (working together)”. Zionist military formations were the inspiration for the concept and structure of Umkhonto we Sizwe, the armed wing of the African National Congress. In planning MK, the Nelson Mandela drew on the experiences of a Zionist who fought in the Israeli War of Independence, Arthur Goldreich. Israel also did a lot to build up defence infrastructure in many African countries, especially training their military and police. The first pilots of the Kenyan, Ugandan and Tanzanian air force were all trained by Israel. The Israelis also built Ghana’s first naval academy and trained the continents first paratroopers.
Finally, African states and Israel shared many of the same issues, given that they were both developing countries. The skills of the kibbutz learned by draining swamps and making the Negev desert bloom were badly needed in Africa. The array of development initiatives was vast and included construction, agriculture, aquaculture, health care, hydrology, youth movements, regional planning, engineering, community services and many others. Some of the most famous projects included assistance in building the parliament in Sierra Leone and the creation of Ghana’s Back Star line shipping company. Many Israelis came to live in Africa to assist with programs, particularly in health care. Through these engagements a specialist eye clinic was built again in Sierra Leone and social work training provided in Machakos, Kenya. Many Africans, in turn, went to Israel to learn in its tertiary institutions, including the Weitzman Institute, Hebrew University and the Mount Carmel Centre dedicated to training women in the developing world. Walter Sisulu visited Israel on his famous five-nation tour in 1953. He flew via El Al, as the South African government had denied him a passport and there was no other airline that would take him without it.
Israeli involvement with African states stretched the length and breadth of the continent, from Tubman’s Liberia in the West to Haile Selassie’s Ethiopia in the East to Kenneth Kaunda’s Zambia in the South. By 1973, Israel had relations with 32 African states, more than any other country in the world with the exception of the former European powers. African countries’ relationships with Israel were very deep. Unlike their Western counterparts, African states saw it as natural that they should place their embassies in Jerusalem, thus affirming the city as the capital of the Jewish state.
Friendship Troubles
All the while, however, the power of the Arab states was growing in international diplomacy. Their official policy position on Israel was that it should be wiped off the map. They watched the growing African/Israel relationship with concern and tried to impede it. Championed by Egypt, they attempted to ferment their anti-Zionist rhetoric onto the agenda of the OAU and its predecessor bodies. The first serious actions in these forums were taken in the early 1960s but were strongly rebuffed by the African states. As Julius Nyerere, president of Tanzania, put it, “we are not going to let our friends determine who our enemies are”. Besides the risk of losing their friendship with Israel, African leaders were nervous of Arab imperialism and memories lingered of the sub-Saharan slave trade. On being accused by a Saudi Arabian delegate of “selling out” to Israel, one Ivorian delegate responded, “The representative of Saudi Arabia may be used to buying Negroes, but he can never buy us”. In fact Israel’s foreign policy in Africa was hailed as a major success and the continents delegates helped put Israeli representatives on boards of the WHO and UNICEF.
Despite these positive developments, by the early 1960s’ Israel’s relationship with Africa had started to strain. This was partly due to the failure of some development projects, mostly for lack of large scale capital and sometimes because of differences in culture. There was also the fact that Israeli policy had broadened by then and there was focusing increasingly on other continents such as South America. Then, of course, there was the relentless Arab propaganda machine urging nations to cut ties with Israel. The 1967 Six Day War next gave a new impetus to anti-Zionist rhetoric. Israel was no longer seen as the underdog and Egypt was able to rely on calls for African solidarity. The Arabs also began to focus their propaganda efforts on tailoring their message to African narratives. Having taken the Sinai Peninsula in the war, Israel was now on African soil and Arab states began to talk about Israel as an agent of neo-colonialism and an occupier of the continent. This approach began to have an effect and four nations had broken ties with Israel by the early 1970s. In October 1973 the Arab nations, again backed by Egypt, then launched a surprise attack on Israel, beginning on Yom Kippur. Although the attack would eventually fail, it introduced a new powerful weapon into world diplomacy: global oil politics. The Arab nations, angered by the military assistance given by America, threatened any country who had relations with Israel with an oil embargo unless they broke ties immediately. They also promised aid to those African countries that did so. The strategy sent the oil price rocketing, lead to a major economic crisis and in all proved to be extraordinarily successful from the Arab point of view. The combination of economic pressure and continuous propaganda added to an already strained relationship. This was too much for African states to bear and they began abandoning Israel en masse. President Senghor of Senegal put the situation plainly: “The Arabs have the numbers, space and oil. In the Third World, they outweigh Israel.” By the end of 1973, Israel found itself almost without any official friends in Africa.
Feeling themselves to be in control, the Arab nations decided to press their advantage on the floor of the United Nations. With the help of Idi Amin Dada, who was heading the delegation, and a number of African states, they passed the infamous “Zionism is Racism” resolution in 1975. It was around this time that Israel commenced the relationship with Africa for which it is most remembered – its ties with South Africa.
Israel and South Africa
Although Israel always had relations with South Africa going back to Prime Minister Jan Smuts, these were often tense and problematic. In 1952 Israel downgraded the relationship. Up until 1973, Israel had always been a consistent supporter of Asia/Africa block resolutions condemning apartheid, even in the face of Western powers such as America, France and England who were opposing such action. After one particularly aggressive resolution from the Israelis, then Prime Minister Hendrik Verwoerd accused Israel of being hypocritical, claiming that it was similar to South African apartheid. He was the first person to try and make the analogy. Verwoerd then began threatening South African Jews over the issue and refused for some time to allow them to send money through the IUA to Israel. However, the Yom Kippur War changed the geo-political landscape, not just in Africa but also in Israel, as a new more right-wing government came to power. With this change and Israel backed into a continental corner, the Israel-South Africa relationship strengthened right into the 1980s.
Of course, many western nations were involved in a much larger way with the regime, with Israel accounting for just 1% of global trade in South Africa in 1986, as were a number of Arab states happy to grease the Apartheid system with illegal sanctions-busting oil exports. In the case of Israel, however, there were a number of factors that lead to the countries being identified more closely. This was due to the very public nature of the relationship, the fact that it included military and even alleged nuclear transfers and that it occurred late into the end of apartheid. This has meant that was the aspect of Israel’s Africa policy that is the most particularly well known. It has affected ANC sentiment toward Israel and although South Africa maintains formal ties and extensive trade networks its public stance remains hostile. This is exacerbated by close connections to the Palestinians and a number of aggressive anti-Israel dictatorships. In addition, the ANC’s internal politics have made targeting Israel easy and thus an antagonistic discourse pervades discussions of policy.
Friends Again
In 1977 Anwar Sadat, president of Egypt, took a one-hour flight to the Knesset and spoke about the importance of peace. One year later, this would result in the world’s first historic Arab/ Israeli peace treaty and removed Egypt as the principle hostile entity in region. This, in turn, opened the door for Israel to begin relations with Africa once again. African states were certainly interested in re-establishing those relationships. Arab money had very often had failed to materialize and the spiralling oil price had hurt their agriculturally based economies. African states also had various more selfish reasons for creating new ties. Mobutu, for instance, renewed ties in 1982 partly because he was trying to get Jewish American politicians to stop pressurizing him over human rights abuses in the Congo. The next state to re-establish ties was Liberia, whose leaders were afraid of Muammur Gaddafi and wanted training from Israeli intelligence. Despite these successes, Africa and Israel would have to wait for the end of the Cold War and Apartheid before diplomacy really got off the ground. In 1991, the “Zionism is Racism” resolution was taken off the books at the UN, bringing to a close an unfortunate chapter in that institution’s history. It was also around this time that the move towards a democratic South Africa gained momentum. Israeli diplomatic initiatives towards the ANC were well received, removing another impediment in its relations with Africa.
Today, Africa-Israel relations are again on a strong footing. The Jewish state now has ties with forty African states, more than ever before. Gone also is the anti-Zionist rhetoric of the 1970s and 1980s, now largely only the preserve of ivory tower academics. Among the most enthusiastic supporters of Israel are in Southern Africa, including Angola and Botswana. Mutual assistance programs are again being put into action and trade relations are progressing. Israel now exports around one billion dollars worth of products and services to Africa. A big growth area has been in the security sector, where countries like Kenya are looking for assistance to counter threats from the neighbouring Islamist regime in Somalia. On the other side of the continent, in Nigeria and the ECOWAS region, Israeli technologies have been used in a more developmental manner, including assistance in food security, water conservation and anti-desertification measures. NGOs have also gotten involved with providing development aid and assistance. One example is Jewish Heart for Africa which brings sustainable Israeli technologies like solar power to Ethiopia, Malawi, Tanzania and Uganda helping some 250 000 people. In South Africa, the Israeli embassy has a fish farming expert as part of its staff to assist with products around the country Even the Jewish National Fund, more often associated with its endeavours inside the country, has donated its agricultural expertise to helping a Rwandan ‘Kibbutz’ that houses survivors of the 1994 genocide.
Threats to Israel’s relationship still exist, however, despite these promising developments. Iran has been pushing into the continent to try and counter its growing isolation in the world and to look for additional trade partners. This has mostly to do with oil but Congolese human rights activists have accused the Iranian regime of also trying to secure Uranium in the central African state. Israeli mercenaries have also earned a reputation for being involved in some of Africa’s internal conflicts and companies in the mining sector are sometimes accused of corruption. Israel has also started to negotiate the difficult terrain of African migrants coming into the country in search of economic opportunities and safety. Early on, it was very welcoming of these refugees, taking in even those from enemy Arab states who were being persecuted. Unfortunately the outbursts of anti-immigrant violence that occurred early in 2012 have done much damage to its image regarding this issue.
Despite these challenges, the state of Israel-Africa relations is light years ahead of the Yom Kippur War period. With companies looking for new growth opportunities and with currently having a more stable political environment on the continent, the time is right for more collaboration in the private sector. The ability of various African states to find creative solutions to development challenges whilst securing these gains in a secure society is a space where governments and NGOs are already working. The wealth of opportunities between people, resources and innovative ideas has much potential. For those obsessed with the past in South Africa, it is time to see the new dawn in Israel-Africa relations and the losses that will occur if our country is not part it.
Benji Shulman holds an M.A. in Geography from the University of the Witwatersrand. He is a former National Chairperson of the South African Union of Jewish Students and is currently employed by the Jewish National Fund – SA.
